Part One (Olden Days)

Trespassers 12.43 As against trespassers (who, in principle, must take other people's premises and their occupiers as they find them) †¦ Charles Arnold-Baker Local Council Administration, Seventh Edition I Pagford Parish Council was, for its size, an impressive force. It met once a month in a pretty Victorian church hall, and attempts to cut its budget, annex any of its powers or absorb it into some newfangled unitary authority had been strenuously and successfully resisted for decades. Of all the local councils under the higher authority of Yarvil District Council, Pagford prided itself on being the most obstreperous, the most vocal and the most independent. Until Sunday evening, it had comprised sixteen local men and women. As the town's electorate tended to assume that a wish to serve on the Parish Council implied competence to do so, all sixteen councillors had gained their seats unopposed. Yet this amicably appointed body was currently in a state of civil war. An issue that had been causing fury and resentment in Pagford for sixty-odd years had reached a definitive phase, and factions had rallied behind two charismatic leaders. To grasp fully the cause of the dispute it was necessary to comprehend the precise depth of Pagford's dislike and mistrust of the city of Yarvil, which lay to its north. Yarvil's shops, businesses, factories, and the South West General Hospital, provided the bulk of the employment in Pagford. The small town's youths generally spent their Saturday nights in Yarvil's cinemas and nightclubs. The city had a cathedral, several parks and two enormous shopping centres, and these things were pleasant enough to visit if you had sated yourself on Pagford's superior charms. Even so, to true Pagfordians, Yarvil was little more than a necessary evil. Their attitude was symbolized by the high hill, topped by Pargetter Abbey, which blocked Yarvil from Pagford's sight, and allowed the townspeople the happy illusion that the city was many miles further away than it truly was. II It so happened that Pargetter Hill also obscured from the town's view another place, but one that Pagford had always considered particularly its own. This was Sweetlove House, an exquisite, honey-coloured Queen Anne manor, set in many acres of park and farmland. It lay within Pagford Parish, halfway between the town and Yarvil. For nearly two hundred years the house had passed smoothly from generation to generation of aristocratic Sweetloves, until finally, in the early 1900s, the family had died out. All that remained these days of the Sweetloves' long association with Pagford, was the grandest tomb in the churchyard of St Michael and All Saints, and a smattering of crests and initials over local records and buildings, like the footprints and coprolites of extinct creatures. After the death of the last of the Sweetloves, the manor house had changed hands with alarming rapidity. There were constant fears in Pagford that some developer would buy and mutilate the beloved landmark. Then, in the 1950s, a man called Aubrey Fawley purchased the place. Fawley was soon known to be possessed of substantial private wealth, which he supplemented in mysterious ways in the City. He had four children, and a desire to settle permanently. Pagford's approval was raised to still giddier heights by the swiftly circulated intelligence that Fawley was descended, through a collateral line, from the Sweetloves. He was clearly half a local already, a man whose natural allegiance would be to Pagford and not to Yarvil. Old Pagford believed that the advent of Aubrey Fawley meant the return of a charmed era. He would be a fairy godfather to the town, like his ancestors before him, showering grace and glamour over their cobbled streets. Howard Mollison could still remember his mother bursting into their tiny kitchen in Hope Street with the news that Aubrey had been invited to judge the local flower show. Her runner beans had taken the vegetable prize three years in a row, and she yearned to accept the silver-plated rose bowl from a man who was already, to her, a figure of old-world romance. III But then, so local legend told, came the sudden darkness that attends the appearance of the wicked fairy. Even as Pagford was rejoicing that Sweetlove House had fallen into such safe hands, Yarvil was busily constructing a swath of council houses to its south. The new streets, Pagford learned with unease, were consuming some of the land that lay between the city and the town. Everybody knew that there had been an increasing demand for cheap housing since the war, but the little town, momentarily distracted by Aubrey Fawley's arrival, began to buzz with mistrust of Yarvil's intentions. The natural barriers of river and hill that had once been guarantors of Pagford's sovereignty seemed diminished by the speed with which the red-brick houses multiplied. Yarvil filled every inch of the land at its disposal, and stopped at the northern border of Pagford Parish. The town sighed with a relief that was soon revealed to be premature. The Cantermill Estate was immediately judged insufficient to meet the population's needs, and the city cast about for more land to colonize. It was then that Aubrey Fawley (still more myth than man to the people of Pagford) made the decision that triggered a festering sixty-year grudge. Having no use for the few scrubby fields that lay beyond the new development, he sold the land to Yarvil Council for a good price, and used the cash to restore the warped panelling in the hall of Sweetlove House. Pagford's fury was unconfined. The Sweetlove fields had been an important part of its buttress against the encroaching city; now the ancient border of the parish was to be compromised by an overspill of needy Yarvilians. Rowdy town hall meetings, seething letters to the newspaper and Yarvil Council, personal remonstrance with those in charge – nothing succeeded in reversing the tide. The council houses began to advance again, but with one difference. In the brief hiatus following completion of the first estate, the council had realized that it could build more cheaply. The fresh eruption was not of red brick but of concrete in steel frames. This second estate was known locally as the Fields, after the land on which it had been built, and was marked as distinct from the Cantermill Estate by its inferior materials and design. It was in one of the Fields' concrete and steel houses, already cracking and warping by the late 1960s, that Barry Fairbrother was born. IV In spite of Yarvil Council's bland assurances that maintenance of the new estate would be its own responsibility, Pagford – as the furious townsfolk had predicted from the first – was soon landed with new bills. While the provision of most services to the Fields, and the upkeep of its houses, fell to Yarvil Council, there remained matters that the city, in its lofty way, delegated to the parish: the maintenance of public footpaths, of lighting and public seating, of bus shelters and common land. Graffiti blossomed on the bridges spanning the Pagford to Yarvil road; Fields bus shelters were vandalized; Fields teenagers strewed the play park with beer bottles and threw rocks at the street lamps. A local footpath, much favoured by tourists and ramblers, became a popular spot for Fields youths to congregate, ‘and worse', as Howard Mollison's mother put it darkly. It fell to Pagford Parish Council to clean, to repair and to replace, and the funds dispersed by Yarvil were felt from the first to be inadequate for the time and expense required. No part of Pagford's unwanted burden caused more fury or bitterness than the fact that Fields children now fell inside the catchment area of St Thomas's Church of England Primary School. Young Fielders had the right to don the coveted blue and white uniform, to play in the yard beside the foundation stone laid by Lady Charlotte Sweetlove and to deafen the tiny classrooms with their strident Yarvil accents. It swiftly became common lore in Pagford that houses in the Fields had become the prize and goal of every benefit-supported Yarvil family with school-age children; that there was a great ongoing scramble across the boundary line from the Cantermill Estate, much as Mexicans streamed into Texas. Their beautiful St Thomas's – a magnet for professional commuters to Yarvil, who were attracted by the tiny classes, the rolltop desks, the aged stone building and the lush green playing field – would be overrun and swamped by the offspring of scroungers, addicts and mothers whose children had all been fathered by different men. This nightmarish scenario had never been fully realized, because while there were undoubtedly advantages to St Thomas's there were also drawbacks: the need to buy the uniform, or else to fill in all the forms required to qualify for assistance for the same; the necessity of attaining bus passes, and of getting up earlier to ensure that the children arrived at school on time. Some households in the Fields found these onerous obstacles, and their children were absorbed instead by the large plain-clothes primary school that had been built to serve the Cantermill Estate. Most of the Fields pupils who came to St Thomas's blended in well with their peers in Pagford; some, indeed, were admitted to be perfectly nice children. Thus Barry Fairbrother had moved up through the school, a popular and clever class clown, only occasionally noticing that the smile of a Pagford parent stiffened when he mentioned the place where he lived. Nevertheless, St Thomas's was sometimes forced to take in a Fields pupil of undeniably disruptive nature. Krystal Weedon had been living with her great-grandmother in Hope Street when the time came for her to start school, so that there was really no way of stopping her coming, even though, when she moved back to the Fields with her mother at the age of eight, there were high hopes locally that she would leave St Thomas's for good. Krystal's slow passage up the school had resembled the passage of a goat through the body of a boa constrictor, being highly visible and uncomfortable for both parties concerned. Not that Krystal was always in class: for much of her career at St Thomas's she had been taught one-on-one by a special teacher. By a malign stroke of fate, Krystal had been in the same class as Howard and Shirley's eldest granddaughter, Lexie. Krystal had once hit Lexie Mollison so hard in the face that she had knocked out two of her teeth. That they had already been wobbly was not felt, by Lexie's parents and grandparents, to be much of an extenuation. It was the conviction that whole classes of Krystals would be waiting for their daughters at Winterdown Comprehensive that finally decided Miles and Samantha Mollison on removing both their daughters to St Anne's, the private girls' school in Yarvil, where they had become weekly boarders. The fact that his granddaughters had been driven out of their rightful places by Krystal Weedon, swiftly became one of Howard's favourite conversational examples of the estate's nefarious influence on Pagford life. V The first effusion of Pagford's outrage had annealed into a quieter, but no less powerful, sense of grievance. The Fields polluted and corrupted a place of peace and beauty, and the smouldering townsfolk remained determined to cut the estate adrift. Yet boundary reviews had come and gone, and reforms in local government had swept the area without effecting any change: the Fields remained part of Pagford. Newcomers to the town learned quickly that abhorrence of the estate was a necessary passport to the goodwill of that hard core of Pagfordians who ran everything. But now, at long last – over sixty years after Old Aubrey Fawley had handed Yarvil that fatal parcel of land – after decades of patient work, of strategizing and petitioning, of collating information and haranguing sub-committees – the anti-Fielders of Pagford found themselves, at last, on the trembling threshold of victory. The recession was forcing local authorities to streamline, cut and reorganize. There were those on the higher body of Yarvil District Council who foresaw an advantage to their electoral fortunes if the crumbling little estate, likely to fare poorly under the austerity measures imposed by the national government, were to be scooped up, and its disgruntled inhabitants joined to their own voters. Pagford had its own representative in Yarvil: District Councillor Aubrey Fawley. This was not the man who had enabled the construction of the Fields, but his son, ‘Young Aubrey', who had inherited Sweetlove House and who worked through the week as a merchant banker in London. There was a whiff of penance in Aubrey's involvement in local affairs, a sense that he ought to make right the wrong that his father had so carelessly done to the little town. He and his wife Julia donated and gave out prizes at the agricultural show, sat on any number of local committees, and threw an annual Christmas party to which invitations were much coveted. It was Howard's pride and delight to think that he and Aubrey were such close allies in the continuing quest to reassign the Fields to Yarvil, because Aubrey moved in a higher sphere of commerce that commanded Howard's fascinated respect. Every evening, after the delicatessen closed, Howard removed the tray of his old-fashioned till, and counted up coins and dirty notes before placing them in a safe. Aubrey, on the other hand, never touched money during his office hours, and yet he caused it to move in unimaginable quantities across continents. He managed it and multiplied it and, when the portents were less propitious, he watched magisterially as it vanished. To Howard, Aubrey had a mystique that not even a worldwide financial crash could dent; the delicatessen-owner was impatient of anyone who blamed the likes of Aubrey for the mess in which the country found itself. Nobody had complained when things were going well, was Howard's oft-repeated view, and he accorded Aubrey the respec t due to a general injured in an unpopular war. Meanwhile, as a district councillor, Aubrey was privy to all kinds of interesting statistics, and in a position to share a good deal of information with Howard about Pagford's troublesome satellite. The two men knew exactly how much of the district's resources were poured, without return or apparent improvement, into the Fields' dilapidated streets; that nobody owned their own house in the Fields (whereas the red-brick houses of the Cantermill Estate were almost all in private hands these days; they had been prettified almost beyond recognition, with window-boxes and porches and neat front lawns); that nearly two-thirds of Fields-dwellers lived entirely off the state; and that a sizeable proportion passed through the doors of the Bellchapel Addiction Clinic. VI Howard carried the mental image of the Fields with him always, like a memory of a nightmare: boarded windows daubed with obscenities; smoking teenagers loitering in the perennially defaced bus shelters; satellite dishes everywhere, turned to the skies like the denuded ovules of grim metal flowers. He often asked rhetorically why they could not have organized and made the place over – what was stopping the residents from pooling their meagre resources and buying a lawnmower between the lot of them? But it never happened: the Fields waited for the councils, District and Parish, to clean, to repair, to maintain; to give and give and give again. Howard would then recall the Hope Street of his boyhood, with its tiny back gardens, each hardly more than tablecloth-sized squares of earth, but most, including his mother's, bristling with runner beans and potatoes. There was nothing, as far as Howard could see, to stop the Fielders growing fresh vegetables; nothing to stop them disciplining their sinister, hooded, spray-painting offspring; nothing to stop them pulling themselves together as a community and tackling the dirt and the shabbiness; nothing to stop them cleaning themselves up and taking jobs; nothing at all. So Howard was forced to draw the conclusion that they were choosing, of their own free will, to live the way they lived, and that the estate's air of slightly threatening degradation was nothing more than a physical manifestation of ignorance and indolence. Pagford, by contrast, shone with a kind of moral radiance in Howard's mind, as though the collective soul of the community was made manifest in its cobbled streets, its hills, its picturesque houses. To Howard, his birthplace was much more than a collection of old buildings, and a fast-flowing, tree-fringed river, the majestic silhouette of the abbey above or the hanging baskets in the Square. For him, the town was an ideal, a way of being; a micro-civilization that stood firmly against a national decline. ‘I'm a Pagford man,' he would tell summertime tourists, ‘born and bred.' In so saying, he was giving himself a profound compliment disguised as a commonplace. He had been born in Pagford and he would die there, and he had never dreamed of leaving, nor itched for more change of scene than could be had from watching the seasons transform the surrounding woods and river; from watching the Square blossom in spring or sparkle at Christmas. Barry Fairbrother had known all this; indeed, he had said it. He had laughed right across the table in the church hall, laughed right in Howard's face. ‘You know, Howard, you are Pagford to me.' And Howard, not discomposed in the slightest (for he had always met Barry joke for joke), had said, ‘I'll take that as a great compliment, Barry, however it was intended.' He could afford to laugh. The one remaining ambition of Howard's life was within touching distance: the return of the Fields to Yarvil seemed imminent and certain. Then, two days before Barry Fairbrother had dropped dead in a car park, Howard had learned from an unimpeachable source that his opponent had broken all known rules of engagement, and had gone to the local paper with a story about the blessing it had been for Krystal Weedon to be educated at St Thomas's. The idea of Krystal Weedon being paraded in front of the reading public as an example of the successful integration of the Fields and Pagford might (so Howard said) have been funny, had it not been so serious. Doubtless Fairbrother would have coached the girl, and the truth about her foul mouth, the endlessly interrupted classes, the other children in tears, the constant removals and reintegrations, would be lost in lies. Howard trusted the good sense of his fellow townsfolk, but he feared journalistic spin and the interference of ignorant do-gooders. His objection was both principled and personal: he had not yet forgotten how his granddaughter had sobbed in his arms, with bloody sockets where her teeth had been, while he tried to soothe her with a promise of triple prizes from the tooth fairy.

Danone and Wahaha Case

The main causes of conflict seem to derive from different attitudes towards key issues in the formation and operation of the joint venture, suggesting major differences in business culture and expectations as to how business should and is being conducted. The first and main problem described in the case study revolves around the ownership structure and the control over the JV. It seems that the Chinese Wahaha expectations were that their 49% of the JV meant full control, as the other 51% were split half-half between Danone and Peregrine through the Singapore registered Jinjia. Danone later took over Peregrne’s part essentially gaining the 51% of the JV and theoretically gaining effective control of the JV. This was not received well by the Chinese partner and later by the Chinese public which interpreted the move as a takeover, resulting in a JV based on distrust and hostility between the partners. Another source of conflict was due to the management structure agreed upon. Effective control of daily operations was handed to Zong and Wahaha, as the local China experts, while the only involvement Danone had was through the board of directors. It seemed Danone was attempting to empower the local partner and was not fully aware of the potential implications. This led to dissatisfaction on both sides, as Danone felt it knows very little in actual JV operations while Zong was feeling that Danone has left him to do all the hard work, only expecting to rip off the benefits of his efforts with little to no contribution.

Book Review: Supercrunchers

We re likely to discount discomforting evidence and focus Instead on evidence that supports our preexisting beliefs. Reason 3: Most people are overconfident while they make prediction to the future while some people tend to be undercoating and slow to change In the face of new evidence. And overconfidence becomes severe when the problems become more complicated. 2. The author suggests that equations should not be without some kind of â€Å"over ride† capability. What is the â€Å"over ride† capability? Why does the author suggest this is necessary?Do you agree or disagree with this. Answers: â€Å"Over ride† capability refers to some kind of discretionary escape hatch some way for a human to override the prediction of the formula. Just like the rejection area of hypothesis test. It is necessary because a statistical procedure cannot estimate the causal impact of rare events because there simply aren't enough data concerning them to make a credible estimate. The r arity of the event doesn't mean that it will not have a big impact when the event does in fact occur.It Just means that statistical formulas will not be able to future the impact. In such case, a â€Å"over ride† capability is needed. I agree with this point because it is common in the day to day life. We need to find out when does the statistic way loose effectiveness. Every method has its own drawback; we need to figure out a systematic way to â€Å"automatically' reflect the time that a statistic method fails. 3. The author puts forward that if one concludes that equations are in fact better than experts, then one must ask the question of where experts fit Into the process of prediction.Explain the place for experts In a world where predictions are made by equations. Answers: In a word, the most Important thing that is left to human experts Is to use our minds and our intuition to guess at what variables should and should not be Included in statistical analysis. A statist ical regression can tell us the weights to place upon various factors. Human By Ranchers Chem. Email: [email  protected] Deed experts, however, are crucially needed to generate the hypotheses about what causes what.The regressions can test whether there Is a causal effect and estimate the size f the causal impact, but somebody needs to specify the test itself. In addition, humans are crucial not only in deciding what to test, but also in collecting and. At times, creating the data. Reason 2: Once we form a mistaken belief about something, we tend to cling to it. We are likely to discount discomforting evidence and focus instead on evidence that to change in the face of new evidence. And overconfidence becomes severe when the than experts, then one must ask the question of where experts fit into the process of reduction.Explain the place for experts in a world where predictions are made by equations. Answers: In a word, the most important thing that is left to human experts is to u se our minds and our intuition to guess at what variables should and should not be included in statistical analysis. A statistical regression can tell us the weights what. The regressions can test whether there is a causal effect and estimate the size humans are crucial not only in deciding what to test, but also in collecting and, at

Research Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Research Paper Example Because the updating of the insurance form is very important, even a small error in the form could lead to big problems. So the updating process should carried out in a correct manner. Introduction: Medicare insurance is a governmental program offered to the elderly of the United States population, which has essential and inherent problems as the needs of the aged population grows. â€Å"Medicare is a centralized health insurance program that compensates for hospital and medical care for elderly and disabled US citizens† (Getting Started, n.d.). Many health organizations and common companies are using Medicare services and, therefore, companies use Medicare insurance for their employee’s health security. These organizations would need to get the updates and new information from the insurance company. So a permanent relation between both the parties is necessary. To get the updates from the insurance company, the employees should maintain permanent contacts with the comp any. Body: The situation in this case is that the billing assistant is sick and the manager has asked me to fill in. I decided to quickly review the office protocol for Medicare insurance billing. I noticed that a new form is now required and that the office is not currently following it. I brought this problem to the office manager’s attention. He asked me to update the office’s Medicare form.

Provide a critical discussion of the growing trend to practice Essay

Provide a critical discussion of the growing trend to practice coaching in the workplace - Essay Example Evidently, certain crucial factors have eventually made the modern organisations to feel the urge of focusing on the formation and development of effective coaching practices. In this regard, the factors comprise increased level of globalisation, gaining momentum of internationalisation, prevalence of extreme level of business market competition and an expanded adoption of pioneering technological advancements. It is worth mentioning in this regards that the organisations of this present day context tend to form an effectual coaching culture, which can enable them in strategy formation as well as execution through advancements in strategic alignments and robustness towards the attainment of predetermined business targets (Clutterbuck and Megginson, 2005, p. 4). With this concern, the essay intends to provide a critical discussion about the growing trend of practicing workplace coaching within various organisations. Various important aspects that include the conception of workplace coaching, the conduct of coaching in 21st century workplaces and practical illustrations of this practice would be taken into concern in the discussion. According to the report published by CIPD (2013), the conception of coaching is fundamentally described as a â€Å"development technique based on the use of one-to-one discussions to enhance an individual’s skills, knowledge or work performance† (CIPD, 2013, p. 1). Observably, in workplaces, coaching tends to focus upon developing the individual skills along with the knowledge of the organisational members, which in turn, imposes extensive impacts on their personal attributes emphasising confidence or social interaction amid them (Somers, 2006, p. 9-15). The prime facets of workplace coaching within diverse organisational settings are viewed as a non-directive developmental form of individual learning as well as knowledge, enhancing work performance along with advancing individuals’ skills

Urban marginality in Los Angeles as seen through the film Boyz N The Essay

Urban marginality in Los Angeles as seen through the film Boyz N The Hood - Essay Example African Americans in the US have been an insignia of perpetual degradation historically as they have been shuttled and chained all the way through the slave economy to the capitalist economy. Charles Scruggs wrote, â€Å"The forms of the invisible city are joined at key points: The invisibility of Afro-Americans in this culture, their reduction to stereotype, is closely related to the phenomena of the mass media and the world of consumer desire, part of an economics of mass consumption† (Scruggs cited in Massood 85). The Significance of Suburbs in Movies Suburb in the movies is used as a contested idea. A vast majority of Americans think of suburb as any type of establishment around a large city’s periphery, though they may be present in small cities as the populations settled around the points of intersection of main highways are also referred to as the suburbs. A movie can be included in the category of suburban movies if it is shot in suburbs for its major part, and also it is important that its characters significantly relate to the imagined or real ethos of the suburbs. The movie Boys N the Hood fulfills these criteria of the suburban movies as hood is the central location of the movie in which all its events happen. A Brief Review of Boys N the Hood The movie Boys N the Hood portrays the life of a group of young African Americans living in South Central Los Angeles, who are struggling to escape the widespread violence in the city. Some are keeping their hopes high to get educated and excel in sports, while others become victims and part of the violent gangs. The movie i s not perfect as it makes an attempt to capture every single challenge that the African Americans living in Los Angeles are exposed to in a matter of just one and a half hours of screen time, that is practically too less to do justice with any of the issues discussed. Too many issues shoved into such a short movie make the whole movie in general and the symbolism in particular appear forced, and the audiences sometimes find the movie unbearably heavy-handed. However, the audiences tend to draw the intended meanings of the sounds and images temporarily abandoning their disbelief in the theater’s darkness, so as to gain full essence of the movie. â€Å"Of course, viewers recognize that movies do not present unfiltered reality: The characters are actors, the speech is scripted, and probably most of the artifacts are phony† (Muzzio and Halper 548). Indeed, filtered reality is in a way, the strength of the movie since the fundamental reason why audiences opt to go to the ci nemas to watch the movies is that they want to have the unfiltered reality of the real world replaced with the filtered reality shown in the movies. Reflection of Urban Marginality in Boyz N The Hood Boyz N the Hood reflects the efforts of young film-literate director of the African American descent, and gives a detailed account of the difficulties experienced by their young protagonists as they come of age. The narrative in Boyz N the Hood has been placed in the geographic boundaries of hood that has precise coordinates i.e. South Central Los Angeles in the case of this film. The selection of hood as the canvas of the story has a solid reason as the hood encompasses a variety of metaphorical meanings that apply to the characters as well as their lives as

REPORT (E MARKETING) Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

REPORT (E MARKETING) - Essay Example SMART has a very good reputation in the market for the latest cutting edge technology, human expertise and professional service that includes before and after service. Australia is one of the digitally well connected countries in the world with a very high digital media usage (Internet Marketing; Chaffey et al) Weaknesses: In the past ten years competition has grown tremendously. This is mostly because of low barriers of entry, and the advance and availability of technology. Opportunities: Despite being highly competitive, the web conferencing industry in Australia is still growing. The current heavy users are large multinationals, followed by SMEs The growth in large multinationals have been stagnant. The growth potential in SMEs is still very good as only an estimated 60% of SMEs are heavy users. However, competition is at heaviest in SMEs. The company is based in Sydney, with remote offices in Melbourne and Perth. Australia has a stable government and an advanced legal system. Mos tly unaffected by the Global Financial Crisis, the current economic situation is stable, with a good future.

Reunification Issues of Central American Immigrants Essay

Reunification Issues of Central American Immigrants - Essay Example Yet, in today's age of information and knowledge, it may be seen that it has become more important than ever to keep an eye on including literature that pertains directly to the analysis and findings of the subject at hand. This is where a review of the literature comes in as it helps the researcher look at the use of literature gathered in a critical manner. According to Cooper (Davies et al, 2003) "a literature review uses as its database reports of primary or original scholarship, and does not report new primary scholarship itself. The primary reports used in the literature may be verbal, but in the vast majority of cases reports are written documents. The types of scholarship may be empirical, theoretical, critical/analytic, or methodological in nature. Second a literature review seeks to describe, summarize, evaluate, clarify and/or integrate the content of primary reports". These principles as laid down by Cooper have been followed in ensuring that the literature used within this dissertation has been reviewed carefully in order to omit irrelevant pieces of work and include only those that are relevant to the topic. (Davies et al, 2003) This paper thus summarises the various works that have been used in terms of various sub topics and sections within the dissertation. In doing so, there is a close connection with the methodology and basic statement of the dissertation. The principles borrowed from the works of the scholars that have been used in this dissertation correspond directly with the statement of this paper. As a nation, the United States of America has paid a heavy price for attaining civilization. This seems to be the basic premise upon which author T.H Breen has built the ideologies that shapes the nation, in his book titled, The Power of Words - Documents in American History. This book is based on an important aspect of American history which starts just as the civil war ended in 1860. History is still often seen as the presentation of facts from the past, so that learning involves the mere memorization of the facts. What makes history so interesting and stimulating, however, are the debates that emerge over the facts. From an early stage, the middle passage inspired moral outrage among those opposed to the slave trade, who often treated it as the most horrific part of the whole slave experience. Recently some scholars have argued that such moral outrage has led to a "melodramatic" rather than a "historical" account of the middle passage. I have tried to present an argument that we n eed a more balanced and less moralistic account of the middle passage from the perspective of the changing values and challenges thrown up by industrialization. (Breen T. H; 1997) This points to the disintegration of the traditional family system in keeping with the emergence of the new, immigrant family within Central America where working towards making a new identity is what counts the most in terms of reunification issues and issues pertaining to separation during migration of entire families. Another important piece of literature in this regard is by Coutin (2005) who believes that violence against children is the most common root of

Transformational leadership Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2500 words

Transformational leadership - Assignment Example Transformational leadership can be defined as in two different contextual values; theoretical value and the application value. In the theoretical value, transformational leadership can be defined through a formal qualification and circumstances that surround the situation at hand. It his qualification there is a fanatic grounding in the subject matter in order to get an in-depth look at the potential effect and implications especial when it comes to matters of ethics and moral department. In the application model definition, the definition of the theory is done and based on the application of the leadership skill on a particular endeavor or task. Having to site the various ways that transformational leadership can be defined a basic description of it can be given as leadership with enhanced motivation and performance amongst the following of a leader that has been done through various mechanisms. The leadership involves the connection with the following, being role models, challengin g the following to develop creativity and inspiring the following in order for them to share in the dream of the leader. Literature review One of the many famous scholars who have defined transformational leadership is James Macgregor Burns. Burns described transformational leadership as not just a set of behavior and characters but he described it as a continuous process where the leader exhibit high level of integrity morality and motivation aspects in their leadership. In his description of transformational leadership burns described that transformational leaders offer directional purpose to their subjects that not only transcend in the short term achievements by to more long-term and intrinsic need for their subject. He also added that transformational leaders tend to raise the standards trough appealing to the higher level of ideas, morals, and values as compared to other forms of leadership This definition by Burns was highly influenced by Maslow’s theory of needs. It i s on this theory that it is noted that different human being has different ranges of need and different extents that the individual intends to fulfill them. This theory of needs also acknowledges that different individual’s at different level have different efficiency level and motivation at work. This highly affects the satisfaction of needs. Transformational leaders as per Burns fall in the higher levels of the theory of needs: self-esteem and self-actualization levels. Components of Transformational Leadership Transformational leadership has over the years evolved from components of other of preceding methods of leadership. Some of these theories include the behavior theories, charismatic theory situational theory, and transactional theory. These three theories form the four basic components of transformational leadership. The three components can be described as follows Charismatic influence This can be defined as the level or degree to which any particular leader exhibit ing transformational leadership behaves or carries himself or herself.

Identify, discuss and analyse the key features and characteristics of at least 3 different examples of script writing Essay Example for Free

Identify, discuss and analyse the key features and characteristics of at least 3 different examples of script writing Essay In this essay I will be taking different plays and analysing their features and characteristics within them. I will be analysing ‘Beautiful Burnout’ performed by Frantic Assembly, ‘Lysistrata, or Loose Strife’ by David Stuttard, and ‘Twelfth Night, Or What You Will’ by William Shakespeare. Within these plays I will be looking at the style of writing it is, (eg – formal, informal, old English), the genre (eg – comedy, tragedy) and the themes. In the play ‘Beautiful Burnout’ is written in verses, like a poem. It doesn’t follow a pattern and doesn’t rhyme like a poem, but reads like a poem would. The way the setting at the beginning of each scene is described is also in the same way as the actual lines. The language is fairly informal as it includes Scottish words written phonetically such as â€Å"nae mare nae less† meaning â€Å"no more no less†, which helps the actors/actresses pronounce the words in a Scottish accent effectively. It also uses colloquial language to Glasgow (Scotland in general) the place where the play is set such as â€Å"lassies† and â€Å"aye† to make the setting and the characters both realistic when compared to each other. In comparison to this, ‘Lysistrata, Or Loose Strife’ is not written in verses. This play includes monologues that are made into lines depending on when the actor/actress would pause. In ‘Lysistrata, Or Loose Strife’, the language is mainly informal, similarly to ‘Beautiful Burnout’, but for the purpose to make the play humorous. The way sex throughout the play is portrayed is informal such as in the beginning scene where everything Lucy is saying is being turned into innuendos by Nikki to make the audience laugh, such as â€Å"They’re Greeks, everything they do, they do late. And everything takes so long – starting, finishing, coming, g†¦Ã¢â‚¬  â€Å"Sometimes I wish my husband was a bit more like that! † and â€Å"is it something big? † â€Å"Yes, very big† â€Å"And hard? † â€Å"Yes, very hard† â€Å"And juicy? † â€Å"Very very juicy, yes†. Neither of the other plays use informal language for humour, if they do use it, it is to create realistic and believable characters and settings. In ‘Twelfth Night, Or What You Will’, uses the old English language as that was when the play was written. This can make it harder to understand as a modern audience but can still get the plot and message across to the audience on stage. The lines are set up in verses, like ‘Beautiful Burnout’ and is written formally for the time it was written. Within the play sometimes the monologues can have a rhyming cuplet, as Shakespeare also wrote poetry as well as plays. Unlike ‘Beautiful Burnout’, none of the words are written phonetically and again, unlike ‘Beautiful Burnout’ and ‘Lysistrata, Or Loose Strife’, it written formally for its time. All of these plays have genres which all differ dramatically. ‘Beautiful Burnout’ is a physical theatre play, which contrasts to both of the other plays. ‘Lysistrata, Or Loose Strife’ is a comedy and contemporary play, which again contrasts the other two plays. ‘Twelfth Night, Or What You Will’ is a tragedy and a Shakespearian play, which like the other plays, contrasts with both of the plays as well. The only similarity is through comedy and tragedy, which both are based on emotions, comedy being laughter/happiness, and tragedy being sadness/upset. This leaves physical theatre completely standing out on its own, being completely different with no reachable comparisons to the other genres. ‘Twelfth Night, Or What You Will’ can be seen as a comedy is some cases, as the subplot is more comical than tragic, but the main plot line is labelled as a tragedy. The jokes made in ‘Lysistrata, Or Loose Strife’ completely differ to the ones made in ‘Twelfth Night, Or What You Will’, as they are from different time periods when comedy changed within them. The themes within the plays largely differ as well. With ‘Beautiful Burnout’, the major running theme is boxing, as that is what the story is based on. Power is also a running theme throughout the play with the power Bobby thinks he has over the other characters and uses it to improve their efforts. This is shown when the characters refer to Bobby as â€Å"Mr Burgess† and not â€Å"Bobby† and in Scene 13 when Bobby is talking to Cameron and it’s very clear by what Cameron says that he is doing what Bobby is telling him to even though he is not pleases about it. â€Å"Things I give up for this. Shoplifting. Borrowing cars. Smoking. Tobacco and weed. Girlfriends. I still dae shagging†¦ But only on Friday and Saturday. I jest cannae dae the commitment thing wi lassies. What else†¦ Crisps. Spare time. Spare time†¦Whit’s that? †. In ‘Lysistrata, Or Loose Strife’, the theme of sex becomes obvious at the very beginning of the play with the character of Nikki making it completely unmissable. The way she links everything back to sex makes this a running theme that is clearly important to the plot of the play. Power is also a big theme in ‘Lysistrata, Or Loose Strife’ as it is what the women gain when they refuse to have sex with their husbands and in contrast, what the husbands lose when not making peace and stopping the war. In ‘Twelfth Night, Or What You Will’ there are several themes, such as love is a cause of suffering. Many of the characters seem to view love as a kind of curse, a feeling that attacks its victims suddenly and disruptively. Various characters claim to suffer painfully from being in love, or, rather, from the emotions linked with one-sided love. At one point, Orsino represents love unhappily as an â€Å"appetite† that he wants to satisfy and can’t. At another point, he calls his desires â€Å"fell and cruel hounds†. Olivia more bluntly describes love as a â€Å"plague† from which she suffers terribly. Another theme is the uncertainty of gender. ‘Twelfth Night, Or What You Will’ is one of Shakespeare’s ‘transvestite comedies’, in which a female character disguises herself as a man. This situation creates a ‘sexual mess’ as Viola falls in love with Orsino but can’t tell him because he thinks she is a man, while Olivia, who Orsino loves, falls for Viola in her disguise as Cesario. There is a clear homoerotic subtext, Olivia is in love with a woman, even if she thinks he is a man, and Orsino often remarks on Cesario’s beauty, suggesting that he is attracted to Viola even before her male disguise is removed. With ‘Beautiful Burnout’ and ‘Lysistrata, Or Loose Strife’ the theme of power is common in both plays but is shown in different ways. ‘Twelfth Night, Or What You Will’ has completely different themes to do with issues that were not as forthright as they are now in modern day society, such as homosexuality and gender uncertainty. Throughout this essay, it is clear that there are many similarities and differences, some obvious, some hidden, within the plays. However, not all the plays included something that every play had, such as ‘Beautiful Burnout’ and ‘Lysistrata, Or Loose Strife’ being informal, and ‘Twelfth Night, Or What You Will’ being formal, and the style of language used. It’s also obvious that with themes and genres, there can be similarities but they are generalised and don’t have specific details that are the exact same. It seems that ‘Beautiful Burnout’ and ‘Lysistrata, Or Loose Strife’ are quite similar compared to ‘Twelfth Night, Or What You Will’ which seems ti be completely different to the other plays and contrasts with the style of writing, themes and genres of both of the other plays.

Lingerie A Fashion Statement Fashion Essay

Lingerie A Fashion Statement Fashion Essay Many women today are looking for good deals on lace lingerie. This type of sexy undergarment is a fabulous idea to spice things up, or simply to feel somewhat glamorous. In the past, in order to get high quality lace, you would have to spend a lot of money and time searching for a store that would be selling it without the high mark up that these things get. The great vast majority of people that are searching for lace is finding that there is so much more online than ever before. If you look at the commerce world in terms of history, you will know that there is a large growing position of people that are looking for great products online from the comfort of their office chair or computer. Seriously, isnt that great, modern technology has come up to the levels that consumers really want. Its not just women that are finding these stores fascinating, there is a large portion of people that are discovering that they can order a lot of products from their home and have them delivered. You can get these items delivered to your house with the greatest of ease. It is an incredible thing to enjoy lace lingerie, and people should really understand how great things are now that there is more information out there to enjoy. If information in a sense is power, you have the power of a great consumer to go out there and get the best deals on adult lingerie and undergarments for personal or recreational usages. Sure, not everyone in the world is really looking for lace lingerie. However, there is a great amount of people and homes that receive catalogs. If you are looking to spice up your own life, or the life of your partner, you can do so with wearing a nice lace product. Lace is very nice and soft, creating a nice cognitive view for your spouse or partner. Looking for good stuff online is easy. The internet has given us a major amount of power in regards to consumer shopping. You can really look into comparison shopping with the touch of a button. You have to put this into perspective. If you were to want to buy lace lingerie back in the days before the internet boom, you were looking forward to a lot of time spent going store to store. If you make it to a store that sells these items, you would then have to try each one on, and most likely not find the size you need. The problem here is that stores do not always carry the sizes of all women, moreover they simply order what is popular in their area, not what the potential consumer might want. However, if you go online to search for a good store that has lace, you will notice that they carry all sizes and many different colors because th In an age where professional lifestyle seduces ones instincts clothing takes a centre stage.Dont be put down by monotonous traits of lingerie and custom wears. Making each day and night a piece to remember is the most sought after arena of human expectations. Make your loved one feel exquisite by presenting her a fine line of exotic lingerie. Whether it is a Valentines night a sexy chemise may flirt with your soul, carry your sleek attitudes with a camisole, or surprise your partner with a push-up bra which surely would hypnotize his instincts. Make her feel special with a all new range of lingerie making her look like a Hollywood star. The shop for lingerie never satisfies your soul until you try a few brands. Theme parties or Halloween evenings or that special anniversary you have been waiting for long, buy a sexy lingerie that would make your partner feel special.Buy a sexy lingerie from a range of party themes available all the year round. The feeling of being sexy is not only pr omoted by your outlook but by your inner beauty, thats why a sexy bra or panty enhances your innerself by catapulting your curves and physical being. Silk in that sense makes one more attractive and is the most preferred brand globally. A flirty baby doll enhances your social presence but a sleepwear with ultra texture quality creates an impression on your loved ones. Try different brands and style each day to make your partner looking for innovation and create a long standing impression on his thinking genre. A bustier enhances not only your curves but a color variety worn with sleek tops and jeans bring out sexiness in you. Let your femina speak for itself when going for lingerie. Let your close pals feel jealous with your all new corset. Lingerie shopping is a vanity when explored in totality, let the wilderness in you speak up, go buy a sexy lingerie, make yourself feel special with your all new outlook, make your life at large-kingsize.There are various brands like Solera,Victo rias secret,Olimpia,Elita,Cosabella,Portura,Chinchira.Though expensive brands may be harsh on your pocket but there are many brands like American dream,Bali,Aubade which are both attractive and costworthy.Check out the texture and size and basic linings before buying your lingerie.One thing to remember is the fine point quality mark which seldom people forget while buying a new lingerie. So what are you waiting for? Go shoot out to your nearest dealer outlet to get hold of your inner dreams and buy sexy lingerie.

Moral Panic in Contemporary Society: Islamophobia

Moral Panic in Contemporary Society: Islamophobia This essay argues that Moral Panic in the contemporary context has evolved from the historical context. Moral panic, in essence, is defined as an ephemeral but recurring condition or people stereotypically portrayed as a threat to societal values and interests by mass media (Cohen cited in Marsh Melville, 2011). This essay will use the recent ‘anti-halal hysteria’ as a case study to illustrate the contemporary moral panic of Islamophobia. Among the components discussed are the differences between historical and contemporary issues of moral panic and Cohen’s Moral Panic framework. As a start, this essay deconstructs Cohen’s definition of moral panic with reference to Islamophobia. Islamophobia is a transient but dormant issue that has recently been ‘reawakened’ in relations to the issue of halal meat circulating in the United Kingdom. It is a term used in the UK around the 1980s to 1990s as a signal rejection of and discrimination against the M uslim population due to issues of immigrations (Allen cited in Là ²pez, 2011) and recently is described as a religious intolerance due to the growing presence of the Islamic religion in the â€Å"West† (Là ²pez, 2011). First of all, this essay argues that there is a nuance shift in the issues of historical moral panic compared to contemporary moral panic. As Critcher (2002) posits, modern moral panics have altered focus. Hughes et al. (2011) further support that moral panic is now being applied to a growing range of examples by deviating from issues back in the 1960s and 1970s. Historical moral panics often focus on the issue of youths and subcultures, like the work of Stanley Cohen in the 1970s on the rockers and mods (Marsh Melville, 2011), Young’s research on the drug use of hippies in the 1960s (ibid, 2011) and Ainley (ibid, 2011)’s research on the ‘hoodies’. Meanwhile, contemporary moral panic has expanded to encompass issues of racism instead of dwelling on youth-related topics, for example, the present case study of ‘anti-halal hysteria’, ‘Islamic infiltration plot in Birmingham schools’ (McNamara, 2014) and the ‘association of crim es to Muslim women with headscraves’ (Duell, 2014). However, one may refer to Hall’s work on racism and resistance (Procter, 2004) to argue that ‘racism’ is a moral panic dated back to the 1970s. As such, this essay posits that â€Å"Islamophobia† is a contemporary moral panic that evolves from historical moral panic on xenophobia. Even though contemporary issues on moral panic have digressed from youth issues, Hughes et al. (2011) noted that ‘moral panic’ is still regularly being used in the media revolving around issues on social problems, controversies and capitalizes on people’s fear and anxiety. Islamophobia bears resemblance to the historical moral panic which exploits on people’s fear in maintaining their social status (Young cited in Hughes, et al., 2011) as Islamophobia capitalises on Britons’ fear of losing their national identity. As such, this statement underpins Richardson (2009)’s articulation that Muslims have now become the latest incarnations of folk devils. In addition, this essay argues that contemporary moral panic deviates from some of Cohen’s moral panic framework which is constructed by a linear six stages namely ‘crisis happen’, sensification, witch hunt, amplification, panic and counter-action. In the context of the anti-halal hysteria, this essay argues that the current issue does not conform to Cohen’s first stage of ‘crisis happening’ as there is apparently no actual crisis in Subway’s decision to offer halal meat in some of its stores in the first place. Instead, it is the Daily Mail’s exaggerated reporting that deliberately frames Subway’s commercial decision as a result of being ‘strongly demanded’ by the Muslims customers (Poutler, 2014). Subway on the other hand justifies their decision as purely a matter of weighing financial losses and profits as the stores are situated within heavily populated Muslim vicinities (Allen, 2014). Failing to see this as a commercial decision, the Daily Mail over-reacted and reignited the food debate protest on halal meat that was dated back in 2012, headed by British National Party (BNP)’s leader Nick Griffin (Engage, 2012). In order to explain this manipulation of media, this essay agrees with Schlesinger (cited in Critcher, 2002) that in contemporary moral panic, the media has assumed the role of primary definers as opposed to being secondary definers. According to Procter (2004), primary definers refer to the way media first look to authoritative figures particularly politicians in structuring news. Very often, original theory of moral panics posits that media’s Ideological role is tie to that of the government’s hegemony ideology (McRobbie Thornton). Contrastingly, in the context of the recent Islamophobia, the press, specifically the Daily Mail acts as the primary definer, dictating the news agenda. This shows that contemporary media does not adhere to Gramsci’s theory of hegemony (Procter, 2004). This inference contradicts with Cohen (2002)’s assertion that the media is important in reproducing and sustaining the dominant ideology instead of being transmitters or campai gners of moral panics. However, based on McRobbie and Thornton (cited in Cohen, 1999)’s assertion and in view of this latest issue, contemporary media actually sets their own agenda by instigating ordinary issues that may be contradictory to government’s policies. Therefore, demonstrating that contemporary moral panic has evolved from a historical model. Moving on, this essay recognizes that contemporary moral panic adheres to the second stage of Cohen’s model- sensification. Soon after the article on Subway is published, it is inferred that the public become sensitive to the issue of Muslim allegedly invading the local food industry. This is because according to Hughes et al. (2011), people are sensitive to issues that ‘hit the sore spot’, in this context, referring to the fear of a foreign power- the Muslims. Besides that, as the issue of halal is intentionally highlighted in the news, it increases the possibility of public in becoming aware of the said issue. On top of that, the media further saturates the public sphere with inflammatory risk discourses (Hier cited in Critcher, 2008) and headlines such as â€Å"Millions are eating halal food without knowing it†. This I infer is the media’s attempt to frame public’s negative perception towards Muslims as a means to make them aware of homegro wn Islamic extremism (Allen, 2007). Nevertheless, the essay argues that the current issue does not fit into Cohen’s third stage- ‘witch hunt’. This may be attributed to the origins and structure of the news itself in which Daily Mail’s reporting on Subway’s decision is very much biased and sensationalized. Media, as Cohen (2002) points out, often stereotypes and misrepresents deviance. As such, this essay argues that the process of ‘witch hunting’ for folk devils is omitted in the case study as the Daily Mail has, at the very beginning, embedded the stereotypical notion of â€Å"Islamophobia†, misrepresenting and accusing the Muslims for exerting pressure onto Subway. The Muslims are not ‘found’ to be the folk devil, but they are ‘framed’ to be one in a contemporary context. On top of that, such stereotypical reporting may also be explained as a journalist goal to attune to the popularity of human interest stories (McRobbie Thornton, 1995) so as to gain public readership by capitalizing on moral panics. Richardson (2009) contends news about Muslims is often presented with a hint of menace, thus suggesting the possibility of unethical journalism practice in local tabloid. Although stage three of Cohen’s model is omitted in the context of contemporary case study, the case study still conforms to Cohen’s ‘amplification’ stage as presses such as the Sun and BBC join in to amplify the initially non-existent crisis. For instance, The Sun’s overly sensationalized the news of Pizza Express using halal meat (Jones, 2014) while the BBC reported that five leading UK supermarkets are selling halal meat (BBC News, 2014). Adding on to the fuel, the Daily Mail goes on to exaggerate that Muslims are ‘stealthily taking over Britain’s supermarket’ (Poutler et al., 2014). The role of media as Luce (2013) posit is supposedly to help maintain stability in a society. However, in this context, the presses are seen to be disrupting the social order of the society. This is because it was the presses who initiate the ‘hate crime’ with alarmist reporting that agitate the issue of local food store chains and sup ermarkets selling halal meat without the consent or knowledge of customers. As such, this essay inferred that the tabloid media is trying to drive a rift between races. As a result of this amplification spiral, the initial issue on commercialized industry selling halal meat has escalated into a wider spectrum involving pressure groups such as RSPCA, National Secular Society (NSS) and British Veterinary Association (BVA). These associations are outrage by the animal slaughtering method of Muslim abattoirs following a CCTV still released by Daily Mail with the caption ‘more than 100 sheep appeared to write in agony after being ritually killed’ (Allen, 2014). The term ‘halal’ which literally means ‘permissible’ or ‘lawful’ under Islamic Law (Henley, 2013; Poutler, 2014) stated that animals must be ritually killed when it is conscious. This disparity in method of animal slaughtering has once again flared up the long-enduring heated between the pressure groups whom advocate pre-stunning before slaughtering and the deviants (the Muslims)’s ritual slaughtering. Consequently, the press has now shift ed its attention from the original issue on Subway’s commercial decision to the slaughtering method of animals, thus causing the ‘original problem’ to be obscured while this ‘deviance issue’ to escalate. Media employ highly emotive and rhetorical language (McRobbie Thornton, 1999) to distinguish ‘us’ and ‘them’ by idealizing us and demonizing (Richardson, 2009) the Muslims that they do not care about how animals are slaughtered. The press further reveals that as thousands of Britons are consuming halal food, insinuating that they have been ‘Islamized’ (Poutler, 2001). Even though the focus of issues has shifted, the underlying notion remains that of ‘Islamopohia’ (Allen, 2014). From the repercussion of the above amplification, this causes panic among the animal welfare advocates as well as the general public of the growing power of Islam. Revelation that halal meat is widely circulated and the ‘inhumane’ ritual slaughtering method of the Muslims, the term ‘anti-halal hysteria’ emerges, signifying a new wave of moral panic associated with Islamophobia. A fraction of public are explicitly showing contempt towards the Muslims by boycotting the list of stores selling halal meat while pressure groups petition for banning ritual slaughtering method. Even though this essay argues that the original problem is non-existence, the deviance issues still escalate. Last but not least, the sixth stage of Cohen’s model, counter-actions is, as this essay argues, not entirely applicable in contemporary moral panic. The notion of ‘something should be done’ is evident here but this essay finds it ironic that there is not a problem in the first place as it is simply a misrepresentation of a commercial decision by the media. Counter action in Cohen’s model refers to legislative attempt in subduing the deviants (Cohen, 2002). However, this essay argues that there is no counter action in the case study as local government retains their position in the issue of anti-halal hysteria by upholding the law of allowing religious slaughter method even though pressure groups are fervently petitioning to label and impose regulations on the sources and method of slaughtering poultry. In this context, counter-action is not taken by the government but rather a compromise position is negotiated. This is Britain’s attempt to assimilate the minorities by offering them the freedom of religion (Castle Freytas-Tamura, 2014). As a matter of fact, this essay recognizes that contemporary moral panic does not conform to Cohen’s linear static process as first of all, crisis did not happen, there is no ‘witch hunting’ process and there is no relative counter-action. As such, this essay argues that contemporary model panic is best described using attributes instead of a static process. Hence, the essay suggests looking to Goode and Ben-Yehuda’s five attributes of moral panic (concern, hostility, consensus, disproportionality and volatility) as a preferable model. Firstly, concerns over Islamophobia have always been long existed in the UK. Secondly, the term ‘anti-halal hysteria’ is a signifier of hostility towards the Muslims. Thirdly, there is consensus among the presses and pressure group that accepting that Muslim poses threats economically but also societal values. Disproportionality is demonstrated through the actions of pressure group in calling for the ban of halal meat as it does not resolve the issue of Islamophobia. Lastly, contemporary moral panic fits the characteristics of being volatile as the following issue dominating local news on Islamophobia is the British National Party protesting over the plans for a new mosque in Hemel Hempstead (Pitt, 2014) once again showing that moral panic is on-going. As a conclusion, the utility of moral panic is no doubt necessary in enhancing our understanding of new cases to which it has been extended (Hughes et al., 2011). Studies on moral panic is not static (Hughes, et al., 2011) as it is constantly revised, extended and developed (ibid, 2011). Moral panics are ‘not just one-off events but it is their reappearance that confirms their status as moral disturbances of any significant order’ (Young cited in Marsh Melville, 2011). This essay argues that media do not report facts but rather conjectures about Subway’s decision. Even though stages of establishing moral panic is not static and may overlap occasionally, some attributes of moral panic is still very much identifiable (Jewkes cited in Marsh Melville, 2011). Islamophobia has been infused into the everyday life of modern Britain (Allen, 200) and will always be an on-going issue but just that the focus on issue shifts and even sometimes incorporates or bring other iss ues into the picture.

Neolithic Pottery :: essays research papers

Neolithic is of or relating to the cultural periods of the Stone Age beginning around 10,000 B.C. in the Middle East and later elsewhere, characterized by the development of agriculture and the making of polished stone artifacts. The Neolithic Period is also called the New Stone Age. Many water pots and ceramic figures were found in the ruins of Neolithic society plots of earth. People of Neolithic times made many artifacts that were symbolic of their ways of life and culture such as water pots, fish, hunting and medical objects. Out of the artifacts found from the Neolithic period, the fish is symbolic to me because of the times spent with my father during fishing trips.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  The Neolithic Period extended from 10,000 B.C. to 3,000 B.C. It is also called the New Stone Age, and many new Advances and changes took place in this time. Unlike the nomadic life of the Old Stone Age, the New Stone Age was the dawning of settled life. People lived more towards lakes and river instead of caves and tree trunks. The change in environment led to the change of jobs, society, and culture. Neolithic everyday objects reveal that fishing and hunting were the main occupations of the people. Neolithic art is represented by a large number of objects found in isolated areas in Eastern Europe, Siberia and Central Asia. Neolithic people decorated clay water vessels in a wide variety of ways that were very large and colorful. They also created bone, horn and wooden figurines of people and animals. The Earliest Neolithic pottery found in Siberia and Central Asia is similar to pottery found in northern Britain, suggesting that early Neolithic colonist may have co me to Ireland from northern Britain. The pottery bowls were made by winding coils of clay in a circle to form the sides of the bowl, smoothing them, and finally firing them on an open fire. After the making of these vessels were mastered, pottery was decorated with dots or lines in the surface of the clay.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Neolithic people lived near rivers and lakes. The artifacts and life in the water became and important part of their lives by supporting them with food, cleansing and ceremonial artifacts such as fish and shells. Fishing was an important job, and way of life because the abundance of fish fed entire villages. The fish were appreciated so much to the Neolithic people that they began making clay fish, as a symbol for their way of life.

The Sleeper by Edgar Allan Poe Essay -- Poetry Analysis

The Sleeper, by Edgar Allan Poe, was first published in the Poems of 1831; this poem has since been revised from its current version which was printed in 1845. This poem was written during the Romanticism Period. This time period is defined as a time in which poets began to â€Å"rebel against the Neoclassical restrictions and dominance of reason as poetic aim. Romantic poetry celebrated the imagination over rationality, passion, and dreams over reason and external reality, and isolated individuality over collective humankind. Romantic poetry looked to celebrate both the supernatural and elevate the commonplace.† (Henriksen) Poe’s imagination prevails in this lyric poem. The speaker of the poem experiences an internal conflict while mourning the death of a loved one. The relationship of the speaker to his surroundings is introduced into the main narrative in the opening of the poem, and is specific to when this occurrence is taking place, â€Å"At midnight, in the month of June†. June is the month in which the summer solstice takes place, in the Pagan culture of this time â€Å"Midsummer was thought to be a time of magic, when evil spirits were said to appear. The pagans often wore protective garlands of herbs and flowers.† (chiff.com) Today this concoction is used by modern herbalists as a mood stabilizer. Midnight is also known as the witching hour when ghosts are considered to have their most power. Black magic is also thought to be infallible at this hour as well. The speaker of the poem describes himself as standing beneath the moon, this sublunary expulsion is pertinent to the narrative of the poem, and he is admitting his mortality in this line. The moon is personified in the fourth line â€Å"Exhales from her out her golde n rim†, which is ... ... be casting stones, or holding a conversation. The speaker of the poem does not move on from this emotional torment, yet I do feel as if in his quest for closure he does resolve some of the tumultuous feelings he does have in regard to losing his love. Works Cited 1. Coviello, Peter. â€Å"Poe in Love: Pedophilia, Morbidity, and the Logic of Slavery.† ELH, 70.3 (2003): 875-90. 2. Peeples, Scott. â€Å"Life writing/Death writing: Biographical Versions of Poe’s Final Hours.† Biography, 18.4 (1995): 328-338. 3. Folks, Jeffrey. â€Å"Poe and the Cogito† The Southern Literary Journal, 42.1 (2009): 57-72 4. chiff.com summer solstice 1999-2010.1st November 2010. http://www.chiff.com/a/summer-solstice.htm 5. Henricksen, John. Poetry Spark Chart. USA. Spark Publishing, 2003. 6. Poe, Edgar Allan. The Fall of the House of Usher and other writings. London: Penguin Books, 2003.

Cultural industries Essay

A conception referring to the creation, production and distribution of goods and services that are cultural in nature Examples include the music industry, film production, craft and design, architecture, sports, advertising and cultural tourism. Cultural policy Guiding principles that affect unswervingly the cultural uniqueness of a society Are formed by decision makers, managers and promoters Have the primary functions of aiding in the production, distribution, management, preservation and consumption of culture in the society May be international, national or regional in structure, formulation, adoption and implementation The key priorities of cultural most national cultural policies include; †¢ Conservation, restoration and reconstruction of cultural heritage †¢ Creation of cultural legislation †¢ Creation of cultural administration systems †¢ Protection of the media from state interference †¢ Promoting Cultural Education Introduction of cultural industries to cultural policy Introduced by Greater London Council (GLC) in 1983 GLC justified the inclusion based on the notion that cultural practices and tastes of a society are exhibited and shaped by the commercial forms of culture hence the need for policies to foster and protect cultural industries Advocated for the allocation of more resources to the broadcasting industry in order to disseminate information to capture the interest of the people and the need to use investment in cultural industries as a tool to economic revitalization Creative policy Creativity adopted in cultural industries policies to protect creative industries such as the television and software development industries. Creative policies protect cultural industries thereby ensuring originality, innovativeness and competitiveness in cultural development. Notable ones are creative cities and creative clusters The creative industries cultural policies purposely serve to support cultural development, reward creativity and originality in individuals and groups, and to apply creativity to economic development Copyright laws Helps in the regulation and protection of cultural industries Significant changes in Copyright brought about by the WTO and the EU Primarily takes the form of patents; which would help in the protection of new ideas, trademarks which serves to offer uniqueness to cultural products and copyrights to help in the protection of literary or artistic works Recommendations Proper policy and regulation should be embraced for people to explore behold the discriminatory wastefulness of art subsidy at the expense of other industries Resourceful use of the available financial backing to foster and preserve cultural industries Development and adoption of realistic policies by policy makers Integration of the cultural sector to the education sector in order to produce creative and more innovative workers The government should also avail funds to policy makers to aid in the development of regenerative possibilities of cultural industries’ development. Development of cultural polices compatible with the political cultural and technological advancement of the economy Discussion Questions 1. From the presentation above, justify the inclusion of cultural industries to cultural policy 2. Discuss forms of creative policy adopted to protect creative industries References Hesmondhalgh, D & Pratt, C. A (2005). Cultural Industries and Cultural Policy. International Journal of Cultural Policy Vol 11, no. 1 2005. Retrieved from the Internet on 17/07/2008 from; Cliche, D. (2001) Culture, Governance & Regulatio. Recognizing Culture A series of briefing papers on culture and development. Retrieved from the internet on 19/08/2008 from;

Followed †creative writing Essay

The streets of London enclosed this humble infant. Unaware of where he is; where his mummy is, he continued to patrol the distant streets. The exhaustion of the young boy is unbearable to think of. Although unfamiliar with his surroundings he continued to walk, crying with anticipation: where is he? Freddy had been visiting London for the first time with his adorable mum. They got on so well. His mum was a rather rounded figure with big blue eyes and elongated eyelashes to balance her silhouette. She was a comical woman always entertaining her companions. Never a dull moment when she was around. Freddy loved her with all his heart and hoped he was just dreaming. Freddy and his mum were visiting sights in London, but he wasn’t happy with this. He despised it, the thought of walking around all day long; looking at tedious buildings that all appeared identical made him aggravated; what was the point? â€Å"Live life while you can! † is what his mum used to say to him. † What’s the point spending a beautiful Sunday morning indoors while you can be outdoors, celebrating the beauty of our capital city! † Nothing could ever bring her down†¦ even Freddy’s bad behaviour. He thought it would just be about influential buildings, powerful statues and overcrowded town centres! But more was to come†¦ When they first arrived, Freddy was being rather disrespectful; mocking fellow tourists, giving his mum the cold shoulder and even locking himself in the cafi bathroom! But his mum understood, she always did. Freddy walked and walked, not enjoying the scenery; with hope he would soon find somewhere appealing. As he continued to trek, he noticed the reflection of a daunting old man on the trunk of a passing car. The reflection seemed lifeless yet full of hatred and anger. His long black slimy hair wrapped across his large forehead with blue eyes just visible beneath it. He was wearing a long black leather jacket almost touching the floor with a large shiny object poking out from the inside pocket. He could see his full length jacket flapping from side to side as it harmonized with the rhythm his walk. He appeared to be a tall man with big broad shoulders yet with a petite frame. His image seemed worthy of that of a monster. Freddy stopped. Looked for his mum, she was nowhere to be seen. He peered over his right shoulder, to what seemed like his worst nightmare. Hastily attempting to rush through a crowd of passing pedestrians trying to get away as quickly as possible. But suddenly he tripped to found himself landing on the rotting pavement. His pulse now increasing as if his heart was being snatched out of his chest then receiving a brutal punch to the whole in which was left. Blood was rushing from his head to his toes and back and forth, back and forth. Quickly rising to his feet he continues to run, running faster and faster, trying to find somewhere to hide. Scared that if he stops, the old man would catch him, torture him, hurt him, the thought was unbearable. The poor little boy was petrified, trembling with fear, looking for somewhere to escape to. He glimpsed behind his shoulder and to his surprise the man had gone. â€Å"What just happened? † Freddy distraughtly thought to himself. Was it a hallucination caused by his mum’s disappearance, or was it real, was that man really there? Freddy now tried to stay in places where people were around, but his racing mind couldn’t shoot nasty thoughts out his head. He wanted his mum to be there so desperately, she; his best friend, he needed her now. â€Å"I need to find her! † he thought to himself. But where was he to start? He was in a city he did not know his way round of and eventually remembered his mum saying that if something happened and she wasn’t around then to meet her just off Oxford street at a cafi called ‘Don’marche’. â€Å"Quick! I have to get there now! † Rapidly gazing behind the peculiar cardboard box he was hidden behind, he checked both ways to make sure that the man wasn’t around, once left, once right, and again just to be sure. Once he had the reassurance he wasn’t around, his legs where already in motion trying to get back to his original destination. After a few moments of none stop running, he heard a familiar sound from behind. Turning round slowly to see if he could see it, he noticed a shadow upon the wall. A shadow with large broad shoulders but yet with a petite frame, a shadow of extreme familiarity but not that of good familiarity but that of a horrific familiarity already experienced by Freddy. Freddy’s immediate reaction was to run, but that of the gaze coming from the man is too strong to pull away from. The contact between the two if disrupt able and yet strangely comforting, but only for the fact that his eyes are big and blue with beautiful elongated eyelashes, just like those, that stare at him daily with love and care. After a moment of bewilder ness he hears a screaming voice coming from the bottom of the road, he peers over the mans right shoulder to see a rather rounded figure running up the road. Elation fills Freddy’s heart. His shoulders start to relax and the view of his adorable mum makes him feel at once comforted. He and his mum spend hours, it seems, in an embrace, but eventually realising that the man is standing behind him he turns and quickly tells his mum about what has happened. She just stands there and laughs! â€Å"Freddy darling, I brought you to London to meet your uncle! Say hello to uncle Fred! † Freddy doesn’t reply. He looks up at his mum in complete awe but eventually pulls them both into an embrace with a sigh of relief.

Sectarianism in Pakistan

Sectarianism in Pakistan INTRODUCTION The decade of the 1990s witnessed a frightening upsurge in the Shia-Sunni sectarian violence in Pakistan, both in terms of scope and intensity. Recently, sectarian strife has engulfed even those areas, which were previously unaffected, largely because of the emergence of organized terrorist groups along sectarian lines. Besides target killings, these groups hit even ordinary members of each other’s sects. The problem, therefore, is no more of an occasional nature, or limited to isolated localities.Rather, it has now become a national concern with serious implications for the state and society. The paper argues that though the Shia-Sunni conflict is not new to Pakistan or even to the Indo-Pakistan Subcontinent, the ongoing phase is distinct in several ways:  · Firstly, the level and intensity of violence is high because of easy access to weapons and training facilities in Afghanistan.  · Secondly, certain Islamic states such as Iran and Saudi Arabia sponsor the activities of sectarian groups. This adds a regional dimension to the domestic sectarian conflict. Thirdly, the social base of the sectarian conflict has significantly expanded because of factors including: a) Use of print media, school textbooks, religious literature, posters and banners; b) Accessibility to means of electronic communication; c) Better transport services which increase mobility of sectarian activists. To argue thus this paper is divided into following three sections: 1) Sectarian Violence and its origins; 2) Causes of Sectarian Violence in Pakistan; and 3) Failure of State. SECTARIAN VIOLENCE AND ITS ORIGINS This section discusses the history of sectarian violence.Sectarian violence and religious extremism is an unpredictable menace. History is replete with incidents of such sorts in various countries. The bigots and the evil minded selfish natured people are behind this abhorrent act relating to the security concerns of many nations. Unfo rtunate is the fact that usually the third world Muslim countries have been and are being constantly threatened by these evil acts. Sectarian Violence in Muslim History: Since the very beginning, the Shia-Sunni sectarian conflict has been one of the major characteristics of Muslim history.Different factions in the respective Muslim societies have also closely interlinked it to the struggle for the acquisition of political power. Syed Amir Ali remarks: â€Å"Alas! That the religion of humanity and universal brotherhood should not have escaped the internecine strife and discord; that the faith which was to bring peace and rest to the distracted world should itself be torn to pieces by angry passions and the lust of power. â€Å"1 At the centre of sectarian strife has been the Shia-Sunni conflict.Immediately after the passing away of the Prophet of Islam, a division emerged on the question of succession. â€Å"A small group believed that such a function must remain in the family of the Prophet and backed ‘Ali’, whom they believed to have been designated for this role by appointment and testament. They became known as his ‘partisans’ (shia) while the majority agreed on Abu Bakr on the assumption that the Prophet left no instruction on this matter; they gained the name ‘The People of Prophetic Tradition and consensus of opinion’ (ahl al-sunnah wa’l-jama‘ah). â€Å"Besides the political dimension, there also existed a difference of opinion about the merits and functions of the successor to the Prophet. â€Å"Sunni Islam considered the Khalifah to be a guardian of the Sharia‘h in the community, while Shi‘ism saw in the ‘successor’ a spiritual function connected with the esoteric interpretation of the revelation and the inheritance to the Prophet’s esoteric teachings. † In contrast to the Sunnis, the institution of Imamate is fundamental to the Shia Islam. â€Å"The Imam, 1 Syed Amir Ali, The Spirit of Islam (Karachi: Pakistan Publishing House, 1976), p100. esides being a descendant of the Prophet, must possess certain qualities—he must be Ma‘sum or sinless, bear the purest and most unsullied character, and must be distinguished above all other men for truth and purity. † Whereas, the Sunnis believe that the â€Å"Imamate is not restricted to the family of Mohammad. The Imam need not be just, virtuous, or irreproachable (Ma ‘sum) in his life, nor need he be the most excellent or eminent being of his time; so long as he is free, adult, sane, and possessed of the capacity to attend to the ordinary affairs of State, he is qualified for election. 2 Later, both the Shia and Sunni schools further split into several sub-sects on different issues related to succession, interpretation of scriptures and political theory of Islam. Sectarian conflict in the Indo-Pakistan Subcontinent: Fearing persecution by Ummayeds and later Abbasides, some of the Shias had moved to the distant parts of the Muslim Empire. Sizeable Shia communities had been established in Punjab and Sindh after their conquest by Muhammad bin Qasim.Under the early Abbasides, the governor of Jhang, Umar bin Hafas, was a clandestine supporter of Fatimid’s movement and it was under him that the Batinya influence spread into the areas between Shorkot and Sindh. Later, one of the Shia branch, the Karamata, was able to set up its independent dynasty in Multan. The Karamata had established contacts with the Fatimides in Egypt and continued to rule Multan and 2 Syed Amir Ali, The Spirit of Islam (Karachi: Pakistan Publishing House, 1976), p103. urrounding areas, which included parts of Jhang, until Mahmud Ghaznavi defeated and destroyed their â€Å"heretical† dynasty. With this, the Karamata movement was wiped out in the Indo-Pakistan context, as it could not survive the loss of political power. However, it left a deep religious imprint on the local population. This is one of the reasons why even today southern Punjab inhabits a sizeable Shia population. In southern India, the Bahmani and Adil Shahi dynasties which ruled for quite some time and acted as a bulwark against Marhattas, professed Shia doctrines.These dynasties were brought under the control of Mughals under Aurangzeb (d. 1707), which opened the way for the rise of Marhattas. Aurangzeb was allegedly hostile to the Shia dynasties, largely because he considered them heretical. As the Shia dynasties were receiving support from the Safavides of Iran, who were hostile to the Mughals, he had made an offer of alliance to Bukhara. The weakening and disintegration of the Mughal Empire, after the death of Aurangzeb Alamgir, paved the way for a qualitatively different era in the Muslim history of the Sub-continent.The new era witnessed, on one hand, the onslaught of the British with both colonial and western agenda and, on the other, the rise of Marhattas and Sikhs. Mean while, the early successors of Aurangzeb had come under the influence of their Shia courtiers, the Sayyids of Barha. It was in response to these developments that Shah Waliullah (1703-1762) started his reform movement to reassert Islam. Another was the Wahabi movement of Muhammad Ibn ‘Abd al Wahhab (1703-1787), which started in Saudi Arabia, but had a great impact on the religious scene of India.Both these movements played a major role in the making of today’s religio-political scene of India and Pakistan. The Wahabi movement emphasised essentials, preached reverting back to the original sources of Quran and Sunnah, and rejected many of the innovations and cultural adaptations made over centuries in the Indian context. It was vehemently opposed to the Sufi tradition and other divergent schools of thought such as Shia‘ism. Essentially, this movement was exclusionist, and far less tolerant and accommodative of divergence, heterogeneity and variations in religious ma tters.It lambasted the corruption and laxity of the Muslims’ attitudes and rejected the accommodations and cultural richness of the medieval empire. Its sole emphasis was on the classical law, which, in the view of its champions, was the sum and substance of the faith. It was, despite the fact that many leaders of the jihad movement were not blind followers of Muhammad Ibn, ‘Abd al Wahhab to warrant the term â€Å"Wahabi† for them. Given their extremist credentials, however, the term was widely accepted and is still used in Pakistan3 for the people with similar puritan views.They are also called Ahl-i-Hadith. Shah Wali Ullah, however, started the most significant reform movement, in the 18th century. Like Wahabis, Shah Waliullah strongly condemned the corrupted Sufi customs and practices, but he was a Hanafi and his version of purified Islam was not completely rejectionist. He himself was a Sufi. He tried to postulate an interpretation of Islam that would coalesc e into a purified Sufism with a purified Sunnah. The Shah Wali Ullah’s movement later crystallized into the Deoband movement, founded by 3Qeyamuddin Ahmed, The Wahabi Movement in India (New Delhi: Manohar, 1994), p203. Maulana Qasim Nanotawi, in the then United Provinces of British India in 1867. In 1857, Maulana Nanotawi had actively taken part in the rebellion against the British. Through the Deoband movement, however, he and his colleagues sought to achieve their goals through peaceful resistance. The goal, under the circumstances, was nothing but cultural and religious freedom and political independence. In the following years, the Deoband movement adopted the attitude of peaceful resistance and non-co-operation towards the British.They refused to learn the English language and modern knowledge, and emphasised Arabic and teachings of Islamic classics. In religious terms, the Deoband movement continued to largely profess Shah Waliullah’s teachings with puritan empha sis. Originally, the Deoband School had a policy of non-involvement into sectarian controversies, but later, especially under Maulana Rashid Ahmad Gangohi, the Hanafis became divided into rival groups. Among others, it was because Maulana Gangohi had condemned â€Å"the annual gatherings at the tombs of saints as well as the prevalent rites of fatihah and milad†.These differences were a manifestation of dissatisfaction of the Deoband School with the things as they existed and its determination to improve them. The puritan emphasis of Wahabis and Deobandis generated tensions among Muslims. The followers of Sufi Islam did not accept the puritan emphasis which, in their view, amounted to renunciation of mystic conception of Islam. It was, however, Maulana Ahmad Raza Khan (1856-1921) who founded the Brelvi School4 by setting up a 4 Usha Sanyal, Devotional Islam and Politics in British India: Ahmad Riza Khan Barelwi and His Movement, 1870-1920 (Delhi, Oxford University Press, 1996 ), p44. adrasa at Breli in the United Provinces. Unlike the puritans, the Brelvi school expressed and sustained â€Å"the social and religious customs of a decadent people: the civilization, or lack of it, into which India fell after the feudal Mughal culture had succumbed and before a new culture arose under the imperial British penetration. † Meanwhile, Lucknow had become the centre of Shia activism. The confrontation between these schools later spread to the whole of the Indo-Pakistan Sub-continent. In particular, it resulted in increased incidents of Shia-Sunni violence.Later, however, the emergence of Amada movement, whose founder, Mirza Ghulam Ahmad, claimed to be the prophet, prompted a unified reaction from all of the above mentioned schools. The Ahmadis, who are also called as Qadianis and Mirzais, were declared non-Muslims by all of the above groups. This declaration was formulated on the basis that they do not believe in the finality of the prophet hood of Muhammad . This controversy overshadowed the differences among the rest of the sectarian groups for decades until they were formally declared non-Muslims through a Constitutional Amendment in Pakistan in 1974.The nature of Shia-Sunni violence under the British was radically different than it had been under the earlier Muslim empires or caliphates. Previously, it was always a conflict either between the established Sunni authorities and anti-status quo Shia denominations or between the Sunni and Shia dynasties or caliphates. Under the alien rule of the British, the conflict declined to the communities’ level, involving the general public and theologians alike in sectarian violence.The role of the government was limited to that of arbiter, enforcer of law or manipulator, if so required, in the larger colonial interests. However, the state was secular and largely unrepresentative and, therefore, the use of sectarian idiom was limited to the purpose of selfidentification. The problem of s ectarian conflict in the post-independence years can be analyzed both in terms of the continuation of old historical pattern with certain new characteristics and, as a direct consequence of crises of identity and governance in Pakistan.It may be noted that the political discourse at macro level has revolved around the issues of Islamization vs. modernization, centralization vs. provincial autonomy, and democracy vs. authoritarianism in Pakistan since independence. The persistent ambivalence towards these issues has led the Pakistani State into a crisis of identity, causing frustration among almost all the sections of society including modernists, Islamists and various ethnic communities.The frustration has become further intensified in view of the failure of successive governments on the performance front, especially in terms of giving due representation to the marginalized sections of society in the top state institutions. Sectarian Conflicts in Pakistan: There are numerous sectari an divisions in Pakistan. One source puts the total number of Muslim sects and sub sects at 72. 5 The Sunni population subdivides into four major streams–Deobandis, Barelvis, Ahl-e Hadith and Wahabis–and within these there are 5 Sectarian Division of Muslims† (Bureau Report), The Times, London, 28 Sept. 1998. reportedly dozens of subgroups6. Despite these divisions, the majority of Sunnis in Pakistan follow the Hanafi School of Islamic jurisprudence7 The Sunni population is estimated to be 74 per cent of Pakistan's population. The three Shia streams in Pakistan are the Ismailis, the Ithna Ashariyya and the Bohras. 8 Estimates of the size of the Shia population vary widely, from a low of 5 per cent to a high of 25 percent; most sources put it at 15-20 per cent. During the Pakistan movement, the essentially secular leaders of the Muslim League had used the idiom of ‘Muslim identity’ to mobilize masses and to justify a separate homeland for them. Intere stingly, almost all the major religious parties of that time had opposed the demand of Pakistan either on the grounds that the concept of separate nationhood was not tenable from the perspective of Islam, or that the secular leadership of Muslim League could not be trusted to sincerely fulfill the promise of the creation of an Islamic state.Nonetheless, the Muslim League succeeded in creating Pakistan, despite the opposition of religious parties. As a result, the Islamic identity of the migrant communities, which settled mostly in the urban areas of Punjab and Sindh, was reinforced and they began to act as the major vehicle for the Islamization campaign in Pakistan. It was, in contrast to other ethnic groups such as Sindhis, Baluchis and Pakhtuns who, while de-emphasizing the ideological debate, championed the cause of decentralization and provincial autonomy. 6 7 The Sub-Sects of Muslims† (Report), The Economist, London, 28 Jan 1995. Daniel Pipes, Islam and Islamic Groups (De troit: Gale Research, 1992), p184. 8 Ibid. p185. 9 Muhammad Qasim Zaman, â€Å"Sectarianism in Pakistan: The Radicalization of Shi‘i and Sunni Identities†, Modern Asian Studies, Vol. 32, No. 3, July 1998. Gradually, groups emerged out of the existing religious parties, which started emphasizing the sectarian differences with the professed aim of persuading the state to accept their particular views into legislation and its policies.In the following years, Punjab was to become the major victim of sectarian violence. Today sectarian violence has become widespread, particularly between Shi’a and Sunni militants in areas bordering Afghanistan, while dozens of tribal elders were murdered by militants in Waziristan. CAUSES OF SECTARIAN VIOLENCE IN PAKISTAN This section discusses the main reasons which led to sectarian violence in Pakistan. Pakistan, one of the largest Muslim countries the world, has seen serious Shia-Sunni sectarian violence. Almost 70% of Pakistan's M uslim population is Sunni, and another 30% are Shia.However, but this Shia minority forms the second largest Shia population of any country,10 larger than the Shia majority in Iraq. In the last two decades, as many as 4,000 people are estimated to have died in sectarian fighting in Pakistan, 300 in 2006. 11 Amongst the culprits blamed for the killing are Al Qaeda working â€Å"with local sectarian groups† to kill what they perceive as Shi'a apostates, and â€Å"foreign powers †¦ trying to sow discord. â€Å"12 10 Vali Nasr, The Shia Revival (Newyork:Norton, 2006), p160. â€Å"Shiite-Sunni conflict rises in Pakistan,† by David Montero, February 02, 2007. 11 12 Shiite-Sunni conflict rises in Pakistan,† by David Montero, February 02, 2007. Since 2004, there has been intense violence in the FATA. What started in South Waziristan, slowly spread to North Waziristan in 2005 and then later to Bajaur and Mohamand Agency during 2006 and 2007. For the last two years, this violence has spread to the settled districts of the Khyber Pakhtoonkhawa including Bannu, DI Khan, Peshawar and Swat. Led by the Taliban and its local supporters in the FATA and Khyber Pakhtoonkhawa , this violence is posing a serious threat to the process of governance, challenging the writ of the State.Referred to by media as Talibanization, these developments has been the subject of intense academic, media and policy interest. Many factors contributed to the growth of sectarian violence since the 1980s and 90s. While some were direct causes, others indirectly deepened the sectarian fault lines. Some of them are: Sectarian Politics: The following factors increased the sectarian divide, which was embedded in Pakistani society in the 1980s, especially in Punjab. First, the formation of Shia and Sunni militant organizations which were not representative of their respective communities although there was support from them.The formation of the militant Sunni Sipah-i-Sahaba, Pakis tan (SSP) and the Shia Sipah-i-Mohammad, Pakistan (SMP) was the main factor underlying the escalating conflict between the two communities. Apart from the Sipah-i-Sahaba, other Sunni organizations like Sunni Tehrik were formed in Sindh. Later some SSP activists led by Riaz Basra organized the Lashkar-e-Jhangvi (LJ), named after the founder of the SSP. The LJ was more militant and has been banned. These organizations widened the sectarian divide and both groups started using violence against each other. The strength of these militant sectarian organizations increased in the 1980s nd 90s, and they were only banned by General Musharraf in January 2002. Second, factionalism within the religious parties and militant organizations deepened the sectarian divide. The Jamiat-ul-Islam (JUI) got divided into two factions led by Fazl-ur-Rahman and Sami-ul-Haq and both factions attempted to build their foundations on anti-Shia tenets with each trying to be more virulently anti-Shia. Even the mil itant organizations on both sides (the SSP and the SMP) faced divisions, and these factions, devoid of effective leadership, were involved in arbitrary killings of the other community.Religious parties like the JUI provided indirect support to militant organizations. It is essential to understand that sectarian violence is largely limited to Punjab, especially in the district of Jhang, where the mainstream religious parties never enjoyed popular support. Baluchistan had been free of sectarian violence and so was Sind, except for Karachi. The Jamiat Ulema-i-Pakistan (JUP), which enjoys support at the popular level in Punjab belongs to the Brehlvi faith and does not share the antagonism of the Deobandis and Wahabis towards the Shias.In fact, unlike the latter two, the JUP considers them to be Muslims and a part of the Islamic world. Third, sectarian violence in Punjab was primarily due to Shia-Sunni economic, social and political relations. For example in Jhang, where sectarian violen ce is high, the Shia community forms the upper class, being landlords and enjoying political power; the majority Sunni community forms the lower stratum in the social, economic and political hierarchy. When the Sunni middle class grew, especially in the 1970s as a result of better education and remittances from the Gulf, they demanded their share of ocial and political status, which was resisted by the Shias. Maulana Nawaz Jhangvi, assassinated in 1990 by Shia militants, formed the Sipah-i-Sahaba in Jhang in1985, largely to fight the Shia landlords. Anti-Shia groups: Anti-Shia groups in Pakistan include the Lashkar i Jhangvi and Sipah-e-Sahaba Pakistan, offshoots of the Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam (JUI). The groups demand the expulsion of all Shias from Pakistan and have killed hundreds of Pakistani Shias between 1996 and 1999. 13 As in Iraq they â€Å"targeted Shia in their holy places and mosques, especially during times of communal prayer. â€Å"14From January to May 1997, Sunni terro r groups assassinated 75 Shia community leaders â€Å"in a systematic attempt to remove Shias from positions of authority. â€Å"15 Lashkar i Jhangvi has declared Shia to be `American agents` and the `near enemy` in global jihad. 16 Islamization policies of Zia: Islamic policies introduced by Zia-ul-Haq were also responsible for the growth of sectarian violence inside Pakistan. An in-depth analysis would reveal that these policies were cosmetic and peripheral, as they did not impinge 13 Ahmed Rashid, Taliban: Islam, oil and the new great game in central Asia (London: Tauris, 2000), p194. 14Vali Nasr, The Shia Revival (Newyork:Norton, 2006), p166. Vali Nasr, The Shia Revival (Newyork:Norton, 2006), p167. Ibid. p168. 15 16 on the bureaucratic military oligarchy or the feudal structure of the society. In fact, these policies were aimed at gaining legitimacy within Pakistan and were not meant to challenge the existing social and economic institutions. However, the Islamization policie s exerted a negative influence on the two communities. The Sunni religious parties led by JUI and JUP became active vis-a-vis the Shias, as they wanted the State to introduce the Sunnization of Pakistan, which the Shias feared.This made the Shias defensive and they started supporting the PPP. In July 1980, 25,000 Shia portested the Islamization laws in the capital Islamabad. Besides, the changes made by Zia led to intense competition amongst the various Sunni groups, especially the Wahabis, Deobandis and Brehlvis, as they wanted the State to enforce their own version of Islam, especially the Islamic laws, though they were united in their opposition to Shias. However, the Islamic reforms introduced by Zia, especially relating to the legal field, alarmed the Shia community.The Tehrik-i-Nifaz-i-Fiqh-iJafriya (TNFJ) was formed in 1979 to enforce the Jafri fiqh; earlier in the same year Zia had declared that the Hanafi fiqh would be enforced. The formation of TNFJ was the political respo nse of the Shia community. In its early years it fought to get concessions such as exempting the Shia community from paying zakat and ushr. Jihad in Afghanistan: Pakistan’s Afghan policy in the 1980s and 90s aggravated sectarian violence inside the country. Afghan resistance against the Soviet Union in the 1980s resulted in the proliferation and easy availability of small arms in Pakistan. 7 The emergence of and subsequent growth of the Taliban in the 1990s and 17 Michael Klare, â€Å"Redefining Security: The New Global Schisms†, Current History, Vol. 95, No. 604, 1996, p161. their support to Sunni organizations such as the Harkat-ul-Mujahideen impinged directly on sectarian violence. The Sipah-i-Sahaba cadres were trained in Afghanistan and most of them fought the Taliban in Afghanistan and the Shias inside Pakistan. Iran-Iraq War: The impact of the emergence of the Khomeini regime in 1979 in Iran and the subsequent Iran-Iraq war in the early 1980s on sectarian violen ce in Pakistan has generally been underestimated.It is no coincidence that the TNFJ, the main Shiite party in Pakistan, was formed in 1979. When the Iran-Iraq war started, the Muslim world got divided into two camps and started funding their faith. As a result, enormous funds flowed, especially from Saudi Arabia and Iran, into Pakistan to support the various Sunni and Shia organizations and the madras as run by them respectively, which were directly responsible for the growth of organized opposition and violence. Iranian Funding: Exacerbating tensions is Iranian funding of Shia extremists in Pakistan, who not only exact revenge against Sunnis, but have also been used to violently uppress Iranian dissidents in the country who are critical of the Iranian regime. Shia formed student associations and a Shia party with the fundings from Iran, Sunni began to form sectarian militias recruited from Deobandi and Ahl-i Hadith madrasahs. Preaching against the Shia in Pakistan was radical cleri c Israr Ahmed. Muhammad Manzour Numani, a senior Indian cleric with close ties to Saudi Arabia published a book entitled â€Å"Iranian Revolution: Imam Khomeini and Shiism†. The book, which became â€Å"the gospel of Deobandi militants† 18 in the 1980s, attacked Khomeini and argued the excesses of the 8 Vali Nasr, The Shia Revival (Newyork:Norton, 2006), p164. Islamic revolution were proof that Shiism was not the doctrine of misguided brothers, but beyond the Islamic pale. Pakistan is the only Sunni majority country where Shias have been elected to top offices and played an important part in the country's history and nation building. The founder of Pakistan Muhammed Ali Jinnah, Muhammad Ali Bogra and the Bhutto family are Shia Muslims, as is Asif Ali Zardari, Abida Hussian, Faisal Saleh Hayat and several other top ranking Pakistani Politicians and Generals such as Yahya Khan,Musa Khan andIskander Mirza. Jihad in Kashmir: Pakistan’s support and involvement in Kas hmir was also responsible for sectarian violence. While the Lashkar-e-Taiba and the Hizbul Mujahideen do not indulge in sectarian violence inside Pakistan, the same cannot be said about other jihadi groups, especially the Harkat-ul-Mujahideen and, its later incarnation, the Jaish-eMohammad. Both these groups were trained in Afghanistan under the Taliban and were close to Lashkar-e-Jhangvi, the most violent Sunni organization. Before the Musharraf regime started its rackdown on sectarian organizations in 2001, these three were involved in collecting funds for jihad in Kashmir. The security agencies could not do much, as they could not differentiate which organization was involved. Tribal Conflict in the khyber Pakhtoonkhawa : Tribal clashes between Pashtun tribes in the Northwest Frontier Province have also taken on a sectarian nature, with the Shia Orakzai tribe often battling with their Sunni neighbors. These clashes are centered around the town of Bannu, and have often turned dead ly.However, the conflict is rooted in centuries' old land disputes, and has only taken on a sectarian nature since the fanatic Taliban regime came into power in nearby Afghanistan in the 1990s. The Madrassas: Various madrassas, especially in Punjab and Karachi, accentuated existing sectarian cleavage. Each Sunni schism (Deobandi, Brehlvi, Wahabi) and Shias ran their own madrassas for providing basic education. The curriculum was decided by the madaris. As a result, when sectarian fault lines got pronounced, a hate campaign was introduced vis-a-vis the other sect.Besides, the madrassas also provided manpower for these sectarian organizations, leading to sectarian engagements on the streets and dividing them further. About one-third of the 2,50019 registered madrassas in Punjab are known to impart military training to their students, and to be directly involved in sectarian attacks. The communities started defending their faith by protecting and supporting the offenders instead of con demning their violence. This support took the form of political, personal and financial patronage, which only accentuated the cycle of violence. 19Iqbal Quadir, â€Å"Madrassa Culture in Pakistan†, HRCP Journal, Vol. 8, No. 3, Nov 1998. FAILURE OF STATE What has been clear since the beginning of this sectarian conflict in Pakistan is the complete failure of the State, from Zia’s period onwards. It was unfortunate that during Zia’s period in the 1980s the Turis of Kurram Agency became the pawns in Pakistan’s larger game in Afghanistan. The State failed to understand Turi fears and insecurity, and has failed to understand them ever since. The emergence of the Taliban and the growth of sectarian politics in the 1990s further aggravated the situation.Given the sensitivities the State forces should have taken extra care in preventing the movement of battle hardened Sunni Taliban with their sectarian streak into sensitive places. Unfortunately, the State was ne ver keen in enforcing its writ in the tribal agencies. The questions of State’s failure should be seen in the context of its wider historical lack of interest in maintaining its writ in the FATA. It allowed its writ to erode in the name of maintaining tribal customs and traditions. It even exploited the same customs and traditions to pursue its larger strategic interests in Afghanistan.The Pakistani state has failed to understand that the situation has been dramatically changing over the last decade. A section within the FATA, especially amongst the younger generation, is highly influenced by the Taliban-al Qaeda brand of Islam, and prefers to adhere to their Islamic principles, rather than the age old secular tribal customs of the Pashtuns, referred to as Pashtunwali. Another section, within the young generation, exposed to modern education and democratic ideals, prefers the xpansion of State’s functions into tribal regions. Though both the above streams of youths are highly anti-American, they don’t agree with how they are being governed. While the Taliban supporters prefer to be governed under Shariah, the more modernminded others want the State expand its governance process. Thus, both sections want to repeal the archaic FCR, but for different reasons. More importantly, in the above two schools of thoughts, what is also gradually eroding is the influence of elders and jirga politics.The jirga provides a prefect excuse for the State to keep away from the problems and provides an instrument to maintain law and order. Failure of governance also provided space for other groups to express the local sentiments. While in other parts of the FATA, this expression has taken a religious (orthodox Sunni version adopted by Taliban) course, in Orakzai and Kurram, it has also assumed a sectarian nature. The influence of these sectarian organizations can be fought by the State only by expanding the governance process inside these regions.CONCLUSION Si nce the late 1980s, the Shia-Sunni sectarian violence has engulfed almost the entire province of Punjab and certain parts of the North-Western Frontier Province (Khyber pakhtoonkhawa ). Though sectarian conflict is not a new phenomenon, the scope, intensity and the continuity of the ongoing violent phase are unprecedented in the history of Pakistan. Jhang in Punjab province was the first district to fall prey to the increased and persistent nature of sectarian violence in the 1980s.The Shia-Sunni sectarian conflict cannot be explained in religious and ideological terms alone; notwithstanding the fact that the religious and sectarian idiom is frequently used by religious leaders from the pulpit to encourage violence, mobilize their followers and achieve political goals. In the context of sectarian violence, the local contextual realities have been of critical significance. The external stimuli might have played some catalyst role in terms of triggering off and accelerating the proces s of shift from the dormant sectarian conflict to the violent one.But what is important to note is that the potency of external stimuli and the nature of reaction they might provoke are determined at the local levels. The likelihood of a shift from dormant to violent conflict, however, increases if the institutional and legal structures in a given state fail to adjust and accommodate to the changing socio-economic realities and/or lack capacity to effectively respond and check the external stimuli. Shia-Sunni conflict is primarily a manifestation of the socio-economic changes at the grassroots level, which have given rise to political tensions among different classes of society.Selected Bibliography Secondary Sources Books: Ahmad, Mumtaz. `Continuity and Change in the Traditional System of Islamic Education: The Case of Pakistan'. (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2000). Ahmed, Qeyamuddin. The Wahabi Movement in India (New Delhi: Manohar Press, 1994). Jafri, S. H. M. The Origins an d Early Development of Shia Islam (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2000). Kraan, J. D. Religious Education in Islam with Special Reference to Pakistan: An Introduction and Bibliography (Rawalpindi: Christian Study Centre, 1984).Nasr, Vali. The Shia Revival (Newyork:Norton, 2006). Nasr, Vali. Mawdudi and the Making of Islamic Revivalism (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996). Rashid, Ahmed. Taliban: Islam, Oil and the New Great Game in Central Asia (London: Taurus, 2000). Rashid, Ahmed. Jihad: The Rise of Militant Islam in Central Asia (Lahore: Vanguard, 2002). Sanyal, Usha. Devotional Islam and Politics in British India: Ahmad Riza Khan Barelwi and His Movement, 1870-1920 (Delhi, Oxford University Press, 1996). Newspaper:Ahmed, Khalid. `The Power of the Ahle Hadith', The Friday Times, Lahore, 12-18 July 2002. Journal: Haqqani, Husain. `Islam's Medieval Outposts’, Foreign Affairs, Vol. 82, No. 1, 2002, pp58-64. Klare, Michael. â€Å"Redefining Security: The New Global Sc hisms†, Current History, Vol. 95, No. 604, 1996, P161 Seminar paper Sectarianism in Pakistan Submitted to : Professor Dr Naseem Submitted by: Mati ullah Tareen IR 4th Department of International Relations Quaid-i-Azam University Islamabad, Pakistan.